The Relative Effects of Skill Formation and Job Matching on Wage Growth in Ethiopia

The Relative Effects of Skill Formation and Job Matching on Wage Growth in Ethiopia PDF

Author: Taye Mengistae

Publisher: World Bank Publications

Published: 1999

Total Pages: 49

ISBN-13:

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Abstract: April 1999 - Estimated age and job seniority profiles of wages and marginal productivity in Ethiopia suggest that both skill formation and job matching significantly affect growth of wages and productivity over time. However, job matching is by far the more important of the two sources of growth in wages and productivity. Mengistae analyzes production and labor market data for a random selection of small to medium-size firms in Ethiopia to answer two questions: Does a worker's marginal productivity increase with time in the labor market or with job seniority, as must be the case if on-the-job skill formation or job matching has anything to do with the dynamics of wages observed in the data? Assuming that marginal productivity grows with experience or seniority, is skill formation more or less important than job matching as a source of growth in productivity? The main feature of Mengistae's analysis is the joint regression of the log of the average product of hours in a firm and the log of average hourly earnings of a firm's employees on the shares of experience-seniority cells of workers in total annual hours in the firm. Marginal productivity falls as experience in the labor market passes the 15-year mark, but the expected marginal product of a mobile worker with 16 or more years of experience is still nearly 80 percent higher than that of the base group. The between-jobs growth of hourly wages with potential experience is also large, but not as large as growth in marginal productivity for workers with less than 15 years of experience. Mengistae concludes that job matching is far more important than skill formation as a source of growth in productivity. Net mobility gains account for at least twice the share of the return to skill formation in the observed between-jobs growth of wages with market experience. The rate of return to skills formation is higher in the United States than in Ethiopia. The relative return to skills formation is probably lower in Ethiopia partly because the flow of information about the labor market is more restricted there. This paper-a product of the Development Research Group-is part of a larger effort in the group to identify firm-level sources of growth in productivity. The author may be contacted at [email protected].

Wage Rates and Job Queues

Wage Rates and Job Queues PDF

Author: Taye Mengistae

Publisher:

Published: 1999

Total Pages: 52

ISBN-13:

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Based on observations of 1,170 full-time employees of private firms and public sector organizations drawn from a 1994 household survey, discusses whether higher wage rates in Ethiopia's public sector create a queue for public sector employment.

Subjective Economic Welfare

Subjective Economic Welfare PDF

Author: Martin Ravallion

Publisher: World Bank Publications

Published: 1999

Total Pages: 43

ISBN-13:

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Abstract: April 1999 - As conventionally measured, current household income relative to a poverty line can only partially explain how Russian adults perceive their economic welfare. Other factors include past incomes, individual incomes, household consumption, current unemployment, risk of unemployment, health status, education, and relative income in the area of residence. Paradoxically, when economists analyze a policy's impact on welfare they typically assume that people are the best judges of their own welfare, yet resist directly asking them if they are better off. Early ideas of utility were explicitly subjective, but modern economists generally ignore people's expressed views about their own welfare. Even using a broad set of conventional socioeconomic data may not reflect well people's subjective perceptions of their poverty. Ravallion and Lokshin examine the determinants of subjective economic welfare in Russia, including its relationship to conventional objective indicators. For data on subjective perceptions, they use survey responses in which respondents rate their level of welfare from poor to rich on a nine-point ladder. As an objective indicator of economic welfare, they use the most common poverty indicator in Russia today, in which household incomes are deflated by household-specific poverty lines. They find that Russian adults with higher family income per equivalent adult are less likely to place themselves on the lowest rungs of the subjective ladder and more likely to put themselves on the upper rungs. But current household income does not explain well self-reported assessments of whether someone is poor or rich. Expanding the set of variables to include incomes at different dates, expenditures, educational attainment, health status, employment, and average income in the area of residence doubles explanatory power. Healthier and better educated adults with jobs perceive themselves to be better off, controlling for income. The unemployed view their welfare as lower, even with full income replacement. Individual income matters independent of per capita household income. Relative income also matters. Living in a richer area lowers perceived economic welfare, controlling for income and other factors. This paper-a product of Poverty and Human Resources, Development Research Group-is part of a larger effort in the group to better understand the relationship between objective and subjective economic welfare. The study was funded by the Bank's Research Support Budget under the research project Policies for Poor Areas (RPO 681-39). The authors may be contacted at [email protected] or [email protected].

Life During Growth

Life During Growth PDF

Author: William Easterly

Publisher: World Bank Publications

Published: 1999

Total Pages: 35

ISBN-13:

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The progress of life during growth is surprisingly uneven. This paper reaches this conclusion with a panel dataset of 95 indicators covering up to 4 time periods (1960, 1970, 1980, and 1990). The indicators cover 7 subjects: (1) individual rights and democracy, (2) political instability and war, (3) education, (4) health, (5) transport and communications, (6) inequality across class and gender, and (7) "bads". Virtually all of these indicators show quality of life across nations to be positively associated with per capita income. However, when country effects are removed using either fixed effects or an estimator in first differences, I find that the effects of growth on "life" are uneven and often nonexistent. Moreover, exogenous time shifts are more important than growth effects in the majority of indicators. With the fixed effects estimator, growth has an impact on the quality of life that is significant, positive, and more important than exogenous shifts for 12 out of 95 indicators. With a first-differences IV estimator, growth has a causal impact on the quality of life that is significant, positive, and more important than exogenous shifts for 7 out of 79 quality of life. The conclusion speculates about such explanations for the uneven results as (1) the long and variable lags that may come between growth and changes in the quality of life, and (2) the possibility that world growth is more important than home country growth for many quality of life indicators.