Lanterna Rally

Author: Andreas Lorek

Publisher: GRIN Verlag

Published: 2009

Total Pages: 130

ISBN-13: 3640256719

Polands accession into the European Union (EU) in May 2004 changed the geopolitical situation of the country fundamentally. Poland moved from an outsider to an insider and changed its location from being at the EU-external border to a country with an external border toward the Eastern European states. The countries at Polands Eastern borders became as well the Eastern neighbours of the European Union after 1 May 2004. The break-up of the Soviet Union in 1989/1991 was the starting point for a new and self-determined foreign policy. The strategic objectives of Polands foreign policy for the follow-ing years were clear. The most important aims were the NATO-accession, which was seen as the highest priority for Polands security, and the EU-accession, which should secure Polands return into the European mainstream. A subordinated objective was the establishment of an effective and coherent policy toward Polands Eastern neighbours. Polands Eastern policy in the first years concentrated on consolidating sovereignty and in-dependence of the former Soviet republics Lithuania, Ukraine and Belarus and on good rela-tions to the former Soviet centre Russia. With all of the Eastern neighbours Poland reached a status of good-neighbourly and friendly relations. But the bilateral relations in the following years developed unequally. Today Ukraine is Polands most important and closest Eastern neighbour. The bilateral relations are defined as a strategic partnership. Poland imposed, like all EU states, sanctions on Belarus and does not have contacts with the Belarusian gov-ernment on a high political level. Russia is a difficult partner. The country sees itself on a higher level and often treats Poland with disrespect. On the European scene Poland was very engaged for its Eastern neighbours. Already in 1992 former Foreign Minister Krzysztof Skubiszewski warned against a new division of Europe, not because of ideological reasons but more because of economic-political facts (Shynkarjov 2005: 47). The concept of a future Eastern Dimension was formulated for the first time at the inauguration meeting of Polands accession negotiations with the EU in 1998 by former Foreign Minister Bronislaw Geremek. The introduction of such an Eastern policy of the EU was an important part of the Polish mandate for the accession negotiations . Gere-mek highlighted the importance of the Eastern neighbours for Poland and the EU and called for the development of a common EU policy with Polands and the EUs Eastern neighbours after enlargement. Geremek launched with his call an active and vigorous debate about the possibility and shape of a future European Eastern policy among experts and politicians. In 2001 the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs published its viewpoint about The Eastern policy of the European Union in the run-up to the EUs enlargement to include the countries of Cen-tral and Eastern Europe. Poland referred to a policy which should apply uniform and identical standards to all states established in the post-Soviet space [and] should further try to de-velop a model of cooperation giving all states equal access thereto, ensuring equal participa-tion therein and and guaranteeing equal benefits to be driven therefrom (MFA 2001: 8). The new Eastern policy should comprise the entire post-Soviet space, which means Polands di-rect neighbours Ukraine, Belarus and Russia (respectively the Russian exclave Kaliningrad) as well as Moldova, the Caucasia and Central Asia (MFA 2001: 11; MFA 2003: 85/6). The archetypes for the Eastern Dimension were the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (or Barcelona Process) and especially the Northern Dimension. Both common EU policies came into existence after an enlargement of the EU. Spain and Portugal promoted the Euro-Mediterranean relations after their accession to the EU, the Northern Dimension was a result of the accession of Sweden and Finland (Cieszkowski 2004: 103). The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership was launched in 1995 at a conference in Barcelona. It should provide a wide framework of political, economic and social relations between EU member states and countries of the Southern Mediterranean. The Northern Dimension ad-dresses special regional development challenges of Northern Europe. It reflects the EU rela-tions with Russia (particularly North-west Russia) in the Baltic Sea and Arctic regions. The Eastern Dimension would not be in concurrence with other EU policies, it was rather thought as an enlargement of the Northern Dimension, as Polands former Foreign Minister Cimoszewicz clarified: The Eastern Dimension would be complementary to the Northern Dimension of the EU. I believe that it can use the experience of the Northern Dimension as well as other policies of the EU toward adjacent regions (Cimoszewicz 2003: 18). The development of a coherent and effective policy toward the new EU neighbours after enlargement was as well a major interest of the EU. The discussion on the EU level was launched in 2002 by Great Britain and Sweden. In April 2002 the General Affairs and Exter-nal Relations Council (GAERC) discussed for the first time about Wider Europe Relations between the future enlarged EU and its Eastern neighbours (Council 2002a: 10). Poland con-tributed actively to that debate in 2003 with a Non-paper with proposals concerning the new Eastern neighbours (MFA 2003) and the organisation of numerous conferences in order to win support from EU members and the states of Eastern Europe (Cieszkowski 2004: 105). The European Commission and the High Representative for the Common Foreign and Secu-rity Policy (HR for the CFSP) Javier Solana worked up ideas for the Unions policy toward the new neighbourhood. Former Commission President Romano Prodi presented the Wider Europe concept in December 2002. His aim was to see a ring of friends surrounding the union [and to share] everything but institutions [with them] (Prodi 2002).--