Author: Donald W., Donald W Boose, Jr
Publisher:
Published: 2003-05-30
Total Pages: 250
ISBN-13: 9781463512224
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On October 18-20, 2001, the 16th Annual Conference of the Council on U.S.-Korean Security Studies was held in Washington, DC. Created in 1985 by retired generals Richard Stilwell of the United States and Sun Yup Paik of the Republic of Korea, the Council's aim was to initiate a conference that would bring together top scholars and practitioners on the most important issues facing the two countries and their important bilateral alliance. Since then, the Council has successfully hosted an annual conference, alternating every other year between meetings in Seoul and Washington. Although begun as an idea with a relatively small scale, in 2001 the Council hosted one of the largest meetings ever, bringing together over 50 presenters and discussants and several hundred participants. Due to the terrorist attack on the World Trade Center the preceding month, the planned participation of high-level U.S. government officials was curtailed. However, those attending the conference heard from many of the leading experts on Korean, Northeast Asian, and U.S. foreign policy issues and problems. Major speakers included the Republic of Korea (ROK) Ambassador to the United States, the Deputy Director of the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization (KEDO), and the U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Asia and Pacific Affairs. The unexpected attacks just 1 month prior to the conference caught everyone by surprise, not the least the authors. Thus, the papers did not capture adequately an assessment of the actual and potential impact of the terrorist attack on U.S. foreign policy, its implications for the two Koreas, and its probable effects on China and Russia. There were suggestions that the attack would have major effects, but few details about what those would be, which was understandable with so little time having elapsed since the attack. On the other hand, papers such as Victor Cha's stressed that in important ways much had not changed: U.S. commitments had not been shifted or weakened; the U.S. ability to militarily uphold its commitments had not been affected; and the solidarity of the ROK U.S. alliance again had been demonstrated through South Korea's strong support for the war on terrorism. The terrorist attack may have contributed to some extent to a broad mood of uneasiness, even outright concern, at the conference. Some authors, such as Tae Woo Kim, noted the stagnation or stalemate now existing in North- South and U.S.-Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea (DPRK) relations. There was consensus as articulated by Nicholas Eberstadt that North Korea had not made serious progress in either relationship: it had yet to install a significant reform program, making only modest economic improvements and none that reflect an easing of the structural problems in the economic and political systems. Most importantly, North Korea had not opened up to the outside world. Interestingly, unlike previous conferences, there was no concern about a collapse of the North with its myriad of unfortunate consequences. Instead, recent developments were taken mainly as evidence that the North lacks any serious commitment to reform, to engagement, and to opening up to the world, which is why the North is neglecting the opportunities offered by the Sunshine Policy and the Bush administration's offer to resume negotiations, and why the North did not respond effectively to the opportunity raised by the 9/11 incidents to deepen engagement with the United States. However, this was not a unanimous view. Some participants suggested the Bush administration was still not serious about talking with Pyongyang, and that the North really has made a significant commitment to change but that we are expecting too much too soon in this regard.